Toward Mideast progress
I HEARTILY endorse the "declaration of principles" for the Mideast set forth by Herbert C. Kelman in his March 9 op-ed. His declaration embraces the essential provisions of the Geneva Accord, a model peace agreement - drafted in 2003 by Israeli and Palestinian political, diplomatic, and intellectual leaders - that definitively addresses all the "core issues" of the conflict. When the accord was rolled out, I recall many remarking that any final agreement will inevitably look very much like it, but that many lives, pointlessly, will be lost before the parties find the courage and political will to make the peace. As the events of recent weeks demonstrate yet again, those predictions have been tragically accurate. Yet, despite the strident voices of extremists on both sides, most Israelis and Palestinians truly seek peace. It's within reach, and we should support their efforts to seize it.
MICHAEL FELSEN
Jamaica Plain
The writer is president of Boston Workmen's Circle.
ON THE heels of the Hamas-endorsed massacre at a Jerusalem seminary, Kelman proposes that Israel return to 1967 borders, borders that the former Israeli UN ambassador, Abba Eban, described as "Auschwitz borders." While outlining numerous other concessions Israel must make, Kelman omits the core requirement for Palestinians, namely, an agreement to dismantle and disarm all terrorist groups, including Hamas. Indeed, the first provision of the 2003 quartet road map required Palestinians to enact "an immediate and unconditional cease-fire to end armed activity and all acts of violence against Israelis anywhere." While Israel has accepted a future two-state solution, Hamas and Mahmoud Abbas's faction, Fatah, have yet to abide by the fundamental requirement of a cease-fire.
HILLEL STAVIS
Cambridge
KELMAN OFFERED what seems to me to be a practical road map for peace. The one area I found wanting is his view on the thorny issue of the "right of return" to Israel for Palestinians who once lived in present-day Israel. Kelman writes, "Only a limited number, however, will return to Israel proper, in order to allow Israel to maintain its character as a Jewish-majority state."
A few questions arise. Is a Jewish-majority state viable in the long run? How will Israel manage the birth rates of non-Jews in Israel to ensure a Jewish-majority state in the long run? Is it necessary for Israel to be a Jewish-majority state in order for it to be a Jewish state? What is the difference between having a state religion, such as England and the Church of England, and being an Anglican state? It seems to me that these are legitimate questions that must be addressed before a joint principle on the refugee problem can be finalized.
SONDLO LEONARD MHLABA
Newton
The writer is the author of "Incentive-Based Franchise: A New Model for World Governance."
KELMAN'S AMBITIOUS declaration of principles, while well thought out, fails to take into account the realities on the ground. For example, he suggests that each side will assure free access to the other's holy sites. While Israel has taken great care over the past 40 years to allow all religions access to their holy places, the Arabs time and time again have not only failed to allow Jews access to their holy sites, but continue to desecrate the sites.
In 2000, Palestinians burned to the ground the last synagogue in Jericho while vandalizing Joseph's tomb in Nablus. A short time later the Muslim Waqf responsible for the administration of the Temple Mount oversaw the unearthing and careless dumping of Jewish temple artifacts. Such attempts to destroy evidence of a Jewish historical connection to Jerusalem continue today.
Unfortunately these acts make Kelman's principles a pipe dream at best.
JOSH HASTEN
Jerusalem
THE JUXTAPOSITION of two articles on Page A5 of the March 10 edition provides an illustration of the problem that lies at the heart of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. One article, headlined "Shooting leaves holy city on edge," tells of the reaction to the killing of eight people at a Jewish seminary, and the other article is headlined "Israel to allow contractors to build in disputed areas." They are related.
At the heart of the conflict is the continuing expropriation of land by Israel in the West Bank in defiance of international law. Palestinians are nearly powerless to stop this expansion of land acquisition by Israel. Israel can end this conflict by stopping the expansion of illegal Jewish settlements and the building of a separation wall on Palestinian land, and by pulling back to a border that allows the Palestinians to have at least 22 percent of historic Palestine. Peace and the end to senseless suicide bombings will come only with a just solution to the land issue.
JOHN ROBERTS
Cambridge 