The new black leadership

THE ELECTION of Senator Barack Obama forces black America to reexamine the central set of assumptions, strategies, programs, and paradigms that have animated its political philosophy for 40 years.

Much of black politics since the civil rights movement has consisted of black officials attaining power by using guilt-inducing rhetoric about the exclusion of blacks but delivering little substantive change for their constituents. This politics of racial grievance must be replaced with a new paradigm based on a real-world, pragmatist perspective.

Locally, any informed discussion of black politics must include Boston's unique history. By the late 1980s, the crack epidemic and its associated violence had altered the political landscape. In response to the crisis, a new nonelected political leadership emerged. The most innovative political actors were not elected officials but activist clergy and faith-based organizers who developed partnerships with law enforcement officials.

Today, black leadership must be defined by performance, function, and direction, and not political titles or politicized relationships. In other words, we must begin to ask: To what degree is black leadership instrumental in resolving the tragedy and suffering in the communities they purport to represent?

As disconcerting as the Dianne Wilkerson and Chuck Turner arrests appear, their particular cases are little more than a political footnote to a much larger narrative and the need for the black community to reorganize itself and generate a politics that is more nuanced and comprehensive than in the past.

The Wilkerson case is an example of the uncritical loyalty that some voters and clergy members afford their leaders. Black elected officials should be subject to an annual independent performance review conducted by community groups and civic organizations from the poorest neighborhoods in collaboration with nonpartisan research associations. Unlike an election, each elected official representing the black community would be rated against progress made toward a defined community agenda.

Three issues are essential to the reconstruction of black civil society:

Public safety. This is clearly the most important issue confronting black neighborhoods. Law enforcement is obviously necessary but insufficient to reduce violent crime in our neighborhoods. There needs to be the establishment of a Boston version of the Chicago Crime Commission, which is an independent citizens group that addresses issues associated with violent crime and gangs. There also needs to be programs to support the children of incarcerated parents.

Education. The black community must mobilize itself to confront not only the institutional barriers but also the familial and cultural impediments to academic achievement. Poor families would benefit greatly from systems that provide an extended day for students, keeping them occupied until parents get home from work, and centering primarily on academic support and secondarily on recreational activities. Such systems are common at many private schools and at a handful of local parochial and charter schools. Ideally, such programs should provide opportunities for parents and students to work together on homework with the support of tutors on Saturdays.

Public health. The health disparities that exist between blacks and other groups is well known. Black leadership needs to do more to address the rates of sexually transmitted diseases, obesity among black teenage girls, and the overall mental health of young black people raised in violent environments. Young people who come from families with a history of mental illness are frequently incarcerated for acting out. The psychological sources of the behavior are rarely considered, or the necessary psychiatric treatment provided. Hence, significant numbers of black youth are penalized for the "crime" of mental illness.

The black intelligentsia who work in public health must assist the black community to gain access to both the diagnostic and therapeutic resources needed.

The current black leadership strategy is obsolete and ineffective. We need new actors, especially from the faith community, to address the issues on the ground, in homes, and in neighborhoods where we have the greatest violence. New political leadership must evolve into a more sophisticated approach that concerns itself with direct service provision and advocacy.

Kevin C. Peterson, senior fellow at the Center for Collaborative Leadership, is executive director of the Ella J. Baker House in Dorchester. The Rev. Mark V. Scott is board of directors co-chair at the Ella J. Baker House.