OVER THE past two weeks, Senator Kennedy has repeatedly been described as the last liberal lion, as if he were the lonely representative of a lost cause. But he was not alone in Massachusetts.
At one time, even the state’s Republicans had liberal lions such as Senator Edward Brooke and Governor Frank Sargent, who combined a vision of social justice with a respect for individual freedom and limited government. The most intriguing example, though, was the rangy congressman and governor Christian Herter.
And as another tall Republican, former health care executive Charlie Baker, begins his run for the governorship now, he could do worse than consider Herter’s achievements.
If Massachusetts Republicans want to escape electoral perdition, they need a political identity distinct from the national party - and leaders with the independence and personality to set the GOP apart. In the 1930s, ’40s, and ’50s, Herter ran up a 13-0 electoral record not just because of his independent, eclectic views, but also because of his integrity, force of personality, and legislative legerdemain.
Herter was neither Brahmin nor Yankee, but the child of expatriate artists who grew up in Paris and New York. He majored in art at Harvard and began graduate work in architecture and interior design, a rare Republican credential today. In 1916 he joined the diplomatic corps. The Germans briefly arrested him as a possible spy in Mainz, where he was no doubt marveling at the city’s magnificent cathedral.
At 24, Herter was part of the US delegation to Versailles, where he helped draft the League of Nations charter. He was Herbert Hoover’s assistant, when Hoover was saving millions from starvation and then later when Hoover was secretary of commerce under presidents Harding and Coolidge. Herter likened his time in the scandal-ridden Harding administration to being in “a dirty kitchen, where cockroaches abound.’’ Herter then came to Boston, his wife’s hometown, where he edited magazines and lectured on international relations.
In 1930, he ran for the Massachusetts Legislature, where he served 12 years, four of them as speaker. As a state legislator, he helped create unemployment insurance and opposed the death penalty. World War II discredited the Republican Party’s isolationist wing, and Herter replaced one of its members in Congress. Eventually, he chaired the House committee that, according to The New York Times, “helped lay the groundwork for the Marshall Plan.’’
In 1952, he beat incumbent Paul Dever to become governor, and promptly was on the cover of Time. He cut spending and taxes modestly and aggressively promoted economic development. Herter created the state’s Department of Commerce and subsidized loans to troubled businesses. While such public attempts to play venture capitalist rarely work out well, Herter deserves more credit for aggressively supporting education and the University of Massachusetts. Massachusetts remains the best-educated state in the nation, and human capital has enabled the state to thrive despite the industrial decline of Herter’s era.
Herter was robustly reelected governor, and promoted as a potential president. After two terms, he became undersecretary of state. When the ailing John Foster Dulles retired in 1959, Herter enjoyed so much bipartisan appeal that the US Senate unanimously confirmed him as secretary of state.
Like Edward Kennedy, Herter was described as a liberal, albeit one who saw the limitations of big government. He was a cold warrior, but one with a deep passion for international partnerships and aid.
Herter’s heyday is long over. Since then, the Republican Party achieved considerable success nationally with a shift to the right. But by allowing Democrats a monopoly on liberalism in this state, the GOP has found itself with only 15 percent of the state legislators, and no congressmen for a dozen years.
Herter’s complex views would fit poorly into either major party today, but those views once kept the state GOP competitive. Long after his death in 1966, Herter still exemplifies the social conscience, fiscal prudence, and all-around excellence that could make Republicanism more appealing in Massachusetts today.
Edward L. Glaeser, a professor of economics at Harvard, is director of the Rappaport Institute for Greater Boston. 
