In Legislature, the flocks tend their leaders

“And I voted for it,’’ he added during a recent visit to the Globe.

The saga of how this bill won approval in the House in 2007 before dying in the Senate still haunts the Massachusetts Legislature.

The bill sought to remove a cap the state places on prices for which tickets can be resold. Vitale was paid by a group representing the ticket-brokers to take up the cause. He was later indicted on charges of violating state lobbying and campaign finance laws.

DiMasi resigned from the Legislature last January and was indicted on separate federal corruption charges. A recent judge’s ruling in the Vitale case draws in two key lawmakers who worked closely with DiMasi - House Speaker Pro Tempore Thomas Petrolati and Westport Democrat Michael Rodrigues. They have not been charged with any wrongdoing, but a 40-page ruling outlines a circle of communication surrounding the legislation that links DiMasi, Vitale, Petrolati, and Rodrigues.

Why did Kaufman back the bill?

“I don’t recall being asked specifically,’’ he said. Instead, he attributes the decision to “my bad judgment’’ and a tendency to trust “the captain of the ship’’ - DiMasi - “and the crew’’ - the leadership team. Only after the Senate rejected the proposal did he realize how bad it was.

“The fact that average ticket buyers would be asked to pay these exorbitant fees to brokers is just unacceptable . . . Anything short of some kind of control doesn’t meet my political smell test,’’ he said.

So, Kaufman voted for a bill that didn’t meet his political smell test, because he didn’t understand it?

“It’s a horrible admission to make,’’ conceded Kaufman, but “yes.’’

The current system doesn’t work. There are as many ticket scalpers as sausage cart vendors at Red Sox games. Boston Police are unable or unwilling to enforce a law that does nothing more than slap a scalper’s wrist. But instead of coming up with a way to protect consumers, House leaders pushed an “obscene’’ proposal.Kaufman blames a process that too quickly spits out too many complex bills for “any one person to master.’’ As he recalls it, this bill was reported out of committee one morning and presented to the full House the same afternoon.But Kaufman, who also teaches a leadership course at Northeastern University, also acknowledges the State House instinct to follow the leader. He calls it a holdover from the days when Speaker Thomas Finneran rewarded those who followed his commands and punished those who didn’t.

In the end, Finneran resigned after a guilty plea in a criminal case about his testimony concerning a legislative redistricting plan. His exit could have inspired more lawmakers to declare their independence. Instead, lawmakers started following DiMasi.

Before DiMasi resigned, 135 of 160 House members - including Kaufman - voted to reelect him as speaker. Kaufman seconded the speech nominating DiMasi to another term.Now, warns Kaufman, until Petrolati’s and Rodrigues’s names are cleared, “there’s a shadow out there in the public arena. It’s disquieting.’’

What’s as disquieting is the go-along culture under the Golden Dome. It’s unchanged. House Speaker Robert A. DeLeo wanted a sales tax hike instead of a gas tax hike. Lawmakers went along with his desire, even those who saw it as Band-Aid over a still-festering wound.

“I have long felt and even included in my seconding speech for Sal DiMasi, that we have not gotten to the point of collaborative leadership,’’ said Kaufman, who, under DeLeo, chairs the committee on revenue.

Voters send representatives to Beacon Hill. Once there, institutional leaders vie for their loyalty.

That’s when the people’s lawmakers start turning into the leader’s sheep.

Joan Vennochi can be reached at vennochi@globe.com.