Don't rush to judge with Hamas in power
IT IS TOO early to determine whether we should deplore the Hamas-dominated Palestinian legislature, which was sworn in on Saturday, or welcome it. The installation of the new parliament underscored the acute differences among Palestinian factions' relations regarding Israel.
We will be wiser in a few months' time when we see what steps are taken by Hamas, the Palestinian Authority, Israel, the United States, and the international community, particularly the other members of the Quartet for Mideast peace, including the European Union, the United Nations, and Russia.
But it is not too early to state that until the picture becomes clearer, it would be better for Israel, the United States, and the international community if politicians refrain from offering reflexive, obstructive pronouncements or legislation merely to indulge voters. On the contrary, all of us should make it known that we are prepared to meet with any leadership that is ready to negotiate an Israeli-Palestinian agreement. And then we must wait until the Hamas-led Palestinian government begins to implement policies.
One positive outcome of the election results is that they did away with the screen of political and diplomatic illusions that allowed all sides to ignore reality and that also served as an excuse to refrain from making difficult and inevitable decisions. Despite illusory and wishful thinking, the fate of Fatah was written on the wall in huge letters. The recent elections in cities and local councils indicated a clear victory for Hamas. Twelve years of Palestine Liberation Organization leadership in the territories had proven beyond a shadow of a doubt that the PLO is not ready to become a legitimate state with a strong and stable government, a uniform security force, and an uncorrupted civil service. In this respect, it is better that the die has been cast, because we have saved ourselves another four to six years of treading water.
The Hamas victory is also a death sentence for the ''Road Map," and this, too, is a blessing. It put an end to the illusory idea that there is a political solution that is already acceptable to all sides of the Israel-Palestinian conflict. As long as politicians could cite this misguided and worthless plan, they had the excuse not to look for other ways to extricate ourselves from the dead end that we have reached.
The road map was not a solution -- not even an outline sketch of the solution. It proposed methodical steps for dealing with the problem. However, the first item in the plan served only to explain the lack of action on both sides: It necessitated that the Palestinian Authority ''destroy the terrorist infrastructure" and that Israel dismantle the illegal outposts in the West Bank and stop the expansion of settlements. But neither side took the first step, saying that the other side had not done so. Now, with the map laid to rest, all sides need to look for alternatives.
The biggest screen of illusions may turn out to be the Hamas movement itself, with its noncompromising platform endorsing the establishment of an Islamic Palestinian state from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea. This same platform excludes any solution that recognizes the existence of the State of Israel within any borders whatsoever.
The Hamas victory, which calls for the establishment of a Hamas government, presents three challenges to the movement's leaders, and a fundamental question is whether they see the same things from their government seats that they saw from the opposition.
Their first challenge is internal, arising from their having to rule three million Palestinians and provide basic services to them. Their second is to ensure the continuous flow of money from donor countries. The third test, which is of the greatest concern to Israelis, is whether they adhere to their policy of ''everything for us" and continue their armed struggle against the occupation of all of Palestine.
Many in the Hamas movement seem to be signaling that they understand the need to alter course. However, we cannot know yet whether their views will succeed. Until we know where the new Hamas government is heading, we must withhold judgments and simplistic declarations. If we Israelis determine that we have no partner on the Palestinian side, we can always take a unilateral position behind our security barrier and the borders that we delineate unilaterally.
Retired General Shlomo Gazit, a member of Israel Policy Forum's Israel Advisory Council and of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University, served as head of Israel's Military Intelligence and as coordinator of Israeli Government Operations in the occupied territories. 
