It was March 15, and the promise of Deval Patrick already seemed to have fizzled. The House had panned his budget. A federal immigration raid had exposed confusion and miscommunication among his top staff. And he was reeling from the headlines generated by the call he made on behalf of a controversial mortgage lender, the latest and most serious of the missteps that plagued his early days in office.
The self-styled political outsider, facing withering criticism even from party loyalists, finally added two Beacon Hill insiders to his senior staff that day, the beginning of an overhaul that transformed his inner circle and, it seems, his understanding of how to maneuver in the State House.
The man who as a candidate scorned "government by sound bite and photo-op" began grabbing positive headlines and gaining credibility with major policy announcements, on education reform and a $1 billion investment in biotechnology, that he will again highlight today during an address to a joint session of the Legislature.
Last month, he secured another significant victory when he and his new team, working closely with the House speaker and the Senate president, defeated a constitutional ban on same-sex marriage.
Now, as his term hits the half-year mark, Patrick appears to have steadied his administration and begun to reverse a damaging trend that had worried even his closest supporters.
"I think he's a guy who seems to be adaptable," said former governor Michael S. Dukakis. "Overall, I think he's doing much better."
Not that all is going smoothly for Patrick. He has so far failed to persuade the Legislature to support two major tax proposals he put forward in hope of lowering property taxes. He recently caused a blowup with House Speaker Salvatore F. DiMasi by giving millions to a controversial development project without consulting DiMasi or other lawmakers in the affected district. And observers on both sides of the aisle wonder how he will come up with the money to fund his many expensive proposals, such as free community college.
Still, the contrast between the governor in his first few months and now is sharp.
Paul Watanabe, a political science professor at the University of Massachusetts at Boston, pointed to two major reasons for the shift: a change in personnel and a change in Patrick's attitude toward the Beacon Hill establishment.
"I think the administration thought, naively, they were the only ones elected in November 2006, without understanding that there are at least three centers of power," Watanabe said. "The governor is one of them, but there is the speaker and the Senate president, as well, I think the governor and his staff have come to understand that. And I think that understanding is maybe a product of bringing in old hands who, ironically, are part of that Beacon Hill culture."
Most State House observers agree that the changes in his inner circle were the key to stopping the bleeding. In mid-March, Patrick added two experienced aides to his senior staff: veteran Beacon Hill press aide Joe Landolfi, who had built solid relationships with the State House press corps over the years and could speak with authority for the administration, and David Morales, who had a strong rapport with senators and a thorough understanding of how the building worked as a top aide to Robert E. Travaglini, the outgoing Senate president.
But the biggest change came a month later, when Patrick tapped Doug Rubin, a senior strategist on his campaign, to become his chief of staff, replacing Joan Wallace-Benjamin, who had a background in the world of nonprofit groups but little political experience. Rubin had the governor's confidence and understood both media strategy and the importance of building relationships with lawmakers and legislative staff.
One of the first things Rubin did was to clear part of the governor's daily schedule to give Patrick time to consult with his senior staff, something the governor had previously had not done, administration sources said. The new approach ensured that every day, Patrick could ask advice, give clear directions and make sure his policies were being implemented properly.
The new team also helped Patrick, who seemed to spend a good deal of his first few months attempting to circumvent the media, to see how holding traditional press conferences could help him get his message across. Within weeks, the governor began integrating more of those events into his schedule, stepping out to highlight major policy initiatives on biotechnology, education, economic development, and transportation.
"I think that he has come to understand that that kind of press conference allows him to communicate with people," a top adviser to Patrick said.
Rubin also took charge of the same-sex marriage issue for the governor's office, a legislative source said, working closely with the speaker and the Senate president to sway votes against a constitutional ban.
The gay marriage issue proved to be a bonding experience for the principals, particularly between Patrick and DiMasi, a veteran Beacon Hill operator who, early on, became a thorn in the governor's side by denouncing his tax packages as antibusiness.
Patrick's relationship with DiMasi remains somewhat volatile, but they have developed a better relationship as they have gotten to know one another.
Despite the occasional flare-up, both leaders have made an effort. They have gone out to dinner twice together -- once alone, and once with their wives -- and they have grown familiar enough to speak directly when an issue arises.
Senate President Therese Murray appears to have an easier rapport with the governor. Since she took over the leadership position in March, she has become an ally to the administration, working with Patrick on the biotech plan and seeing the Senate pass a budget that was much more accommodating to his initiatives than the House's initial plan.
The changes in the administration were brought into sharp relief last week, as Patrick signed his first budget.
In January, Patrick spent most of his time in his office, studying budget minutiae, leaving the rest of Massachusetts to wonder what the new governor was doing.
Last week, he juggled his analysis of the recently approved budget details with photo-ops, appearing in Hyde Park with Mayor Thomas M. Menino to swear in new police officers, for example, and holding a press availability on the National Transportation Safety Board's report on the Big Dig tragedy.
The governor's budget includes millions for programs he championed. He vetoed a tiny fraction, .2 percent, of overall spending in the Legislature's final budget.
The theme of Patrick's speech, -- reprinted repeatedly in press materials, is "shared priorities, shared success."
Lisa Wangsness can be reached at lwangsness@globe.com. ![]()
