Democratic primary turns superdelegates into followers

Some pursue districts' wishes more than own

PHILADELPHIA - As chairman of the Philadelphia Democratic City Committee, one of the country's last old-school political machines, Representative Robert Brady has for two decades picked winners by offering them a place on the official slate of candidates endorsed by the party and handed to voters as they enter polling places. But on the eve of Tuesday's Pennsylvania primary, it is Brady who is crippled by indecision: He does not know which presidential candidate to support and is looking to the streets for guidance.

"I'm kind of hoping my district will tell me what to do," said Brady, slumped in a chair in his wood-paneled office at the party's downtown headquarters, beneath a picture of him squiring Bill Clinton through Philadelphia in 1992 on his way to the nomination.

This year's far more fractious Democratic primary fight has upended the logic of endorsements and turned longtime leaders into followers. Where once power flowed downward from party chieftains and elected officials to voters, figures like Brady - who answers to different constituencies as a ward leader, party boss, congressman, and superdelegate - are for the first time feeling strong pressure from those they represent.

"I think the voters are having a lot of clout," said Maurice Floyd, a former Philadelphia city commissioner. "If I'm an elected official and my voters are talking to me about who I'm going to support, I'm going to listen - especially if I'm running. How can you be against them?"

Yesterday, Washington, D.C., superdelegate Harry Thomas, Jr., a City Council member, abandoned Hillary Clinton for Barack Obama after being contacted by more than 100 constituents who encouraged him to support the candidate who had overwhelmingly carried the city and Thomas's district in February's primary.

"What I hear now is, 'If you as a superdelegate vote for the other candidate, I'm not going to vote for you anymore,' " said Representative Jason Altmire, who expects Clinton to carry his Western Pennsylvania district. "I hear it a lot more from the Clinton side because they think they're behind."

In Brady's case, the threats are implied by demographics. Elected to Congress during Bill Clinton's presidency as one of a few whites to represent a majority-black district, Brady leads an overwhelmingly black ward in West Philadelphia and stands astride a party in which white voters are typically a minority voice.

"I think a good leader needs to know which way his people want to be led, and why would I buck the trend?" Brady asked.

While his ward, district, and city are expected to go convincingly for Obama, Brady - who, during a failed mayoral campaign last year, privately indicated that he expected to be with Hillary Clinton - has made an art of neutrality. This year's party slate will go out with a full complement of recommendations for local offices, but none for president.

"He's got an issue - being in a minority district," said Eleanor Dezzi, a political consultant who expects to be named a Clinton delegate from Pennsylvania. "I wouldn't want to be in his shoes on this one."

Many superdelegates have been left wrestling with the same questions that vexed the nation's founders: the nature of a representative democracy versus a direct one, and whether their duty is to speak for the good of the whole country or just those who elected them.

"I think the obligation should be we should reflect our constituents," said Brady, citing the model of Representative John Lewis of Georgia, a friend who prominently defected from Clinton to Obama in February based on the results of the vote in his congressional district.

"I am a representative, I must listen to my district. If I don't listen first to my district, I will not be reelected," said Representative Joe Sestak, a Clinton supporter who represents a suburban district outside Philadelphia. "At the same time, they voted for me because of my judgment."

Yet all are learning that "the roles of being a superdelegate and being an elected official are mutually incompatible," said Altmire, who remains uncommitted.

"We have a public trust and I feel obliged to tell everybody ahead of time who I'm going to support - I don't want to look like I'm ducking the issue - but I also feel I should wait and see what my constituents are doing," he said.

Superdelegates were introduced to the party's nominating rules in 1984 to give Democratic elders a check on voters. "There's more transparency in the process now," according to strategist David Dunphy, allowing voters to impose accountability on party elites who are, as a result, exhibiting new caution about using their influence.

In 1976, when Pennsylvania last played a crucial role in a Democratic primary, the endorsement by Brady's predecessor, Pete Camiel - along with Mayor Frank Rizzo - helped to deliver the city to Senator Henry M. Jackson of Washington. His became one of two counties that Jimmy Carter lost while winning the state.

Many see Brady's decision not to endorse this year as a defensive gesture to allow officials to make their own decisions and protect their own local interests. "If I'm a ward leader in an African-American ward and the party endorses Hillary, it's like walking into a wall. It would be an embarrassment if you lost your ward," said Floyd. Aligning with their constituents' presidential pick could help ward leaders maintain the party's credibility with other ballot recommendations, according to Brady.

In South Philadelphia, City Councilwoman Anna Verna - a 76-year-old Italian-American and the council's first female president - endorsed Obama last week. "Her constituency within her ward is standing behind Obama and she's reflecting their support," said Tony Radwanski, a Verna aide. "Everyone in council knows how their constituency feels."

Uncommitted superdelegates are learning to separate the public votes they will announce at the party's summer convention and the private ones they make as citizens.

"Actually, you know, I haven't actually made up my mind," Brady said. "I'm torn between two good friends, two senators, two people that I know. Who do you like better: your mother or your father?"