Biden, Kerry offer support, tough love for Israel

By Farah Stockman, Globe Staff

WASHINGTON -- Vice President Joe Biden today said a viable Palestinian state, existing peacefully with Israel, "must be achieved" -- sending a strong signal that the Obama administration will push Israel's new right-wing government to move towards peace with Palestinians.

In a speech before 5,000 delegates to the annual conference of the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee, one of Washington's most powerful lobbying groups, Biden said: "Israel has to work toward a two state solution and -- you are not going to like my saying this -- but [do] not build more settlements, dismantle existing outposts, and allow the Palestinians freedom of movement . . . This is a show-me deal. Not based on faith. Show me."

Biden's tough love on Israel took up one line in a speech that was otherwise devoted to reiterating Obama's commitment to Israel's security, and Biden's own decades-long personal connection to Israel, starting from the day he met the chain-smoking Golda Meir, Israel's fourth prime minister, when he was a young senator.

But Biden's words could signal rough times ahead for Israel's new right-wing prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, who has backed away from endorsing the creation of a Palestinian state. Netanyahu is slated to meet Obama at the White House for the first time on May 18. Today, Obama met with Israeli President Shimon Peres.

At AIPAC, Senator John F. Kerry, chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, also called on Israel to stop building settlements on Palestinian territory occupied after the 1967 war.

"Nothing will do more to show Israel's commitment to making peace than freezing new settlements activity," the Massachusetts Democrat told the audience, to slight applause. "Settlements make it more difficult for Israel to protect its own citizens. New settlements...don't just fragment a future Palestinian state. They also fragment what the Israeli defense forces must defend, they undercut [moderate Palestinian president Mahmoud] Abbas, and strengthen Hamas by convincing the Palestinians that there is no reward for moderation."

Kerry warned that the " window of opportunity for a two-state solution is fast closing."

Both Kerry and Biden sweetened their message with pledges of unflinching support for Israel's security.

Kerry received his most sustained applause when he suggested that Israel should not be expected to pull out of the West Bank any time soon.

"Israel withdrew from southern Lebanon, only to face Hezbollah; Israel withdrew from Gaza, only to face Hamas rockets. Israel is not about to let the same thing happen in the West Bank, nor should they," Kerry said.

Kerry, who recently traveled to Gaza and Syria, also said he pressed during his trip for the release of kidnapped Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit and a halt to rocket fire on Israel.

In his speech, Biden also warned that if diplomacy fails to curb the "grave danger of a nuclear-armed Iran," then the United States will have greater international support to "consider other options."

Biden also urged Israel's Arab neighbors to show they are serious about an Arab proposal to normalize relations with the Jewish state if Israel gives up occupied land.

"Now is the time for Arab states to make meaningful gestures to show the Israeli leadership and the people to show that the promise...is real and genuine," Biden said.

Their full remarks are below:

BIDEN'S SPEECH

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. (Applause.) Please. (Applause.) Larry, thank you for that introduction.

Ladies and gentlemen, there's an old -- there's an old Saxon expression. And what it says is -- (applause) -- there's an old expression. This is the man who introduced me to AIPAC. And there's an old expression that says an institution is little more than the lengthened shadow of a man. This is the man right here. This is the man. (Applause.)

Ladies and gentlemen, I was backstage and the stage director, a lovely young woman, was telling me that she was the stage director, and I told her how well I take orders. (Laughter.) And Larry was speaking, and I said, you see that man? I said, he's been my friend for 38 years. And she looked at me like, that's not possible -- (laughter) -- not that I don't look that old, but that she wasn't born, I don’t think -- when she said it. (Laughter.)

But the truth is Larry, and his magnificent wife, have been just wonderful, wonderful, wonderful supporters of Israel and AIPAC. And he really did, along with one of my closest friends, period, not just in politics, Michael Adler -- Michael Adler's dad in Miami and Larry Weinberg on the West Coast are the two people who gave me my formal education. And I thank them both. Thank you both. (Applause.)

I say to the board and all of you that are here, I'm delighted by your warm welcome. And it's very good to be among friends. I'd like to begin by congratulating your president, David Victor, for -- and the incoming president, Lee Rosenberg. Rosy, we're all pulling for your dad, Big Rosy, and we know how proud he must be right now as you're about to take on your new responsibilities. (Applause.)

I'd like to also congratulate AIPAC's Executive Director, Howard Kohr, and the rest of the staff for another successful conference. (Applause.)

And I want to congratulate an old friend, who I think is probably the most articulate and eloquent speechmaker in the world, Shimon Peres, President of the State of Israel -- (applause) -- on the 61st anniversary of Israel’s independence, which we're going to celebrate -- which we celebrated last week. And the President -- President Obama and I look forward to visiting later today with the President. I'm anxious to see him in the White House. (Applause.)

A little over a hundred days ago, our country started on a new path. The citizens of this country made a very fundamental decision. And it began with the historic inauguration of the 44th President, Barack Obama, but it grew -- it grew out of the determination of millions of Americans who desperately wanted to change not only the direction of our country, but quite frankly, the trajectory that the world was on. That’s what the Obama-Biden administration has set out to do, a lofty goal but an absolutely minimum required task -- to change the direction of this country and all the trajectory of the world. We not only want to do it here at home; we believe our fate is inextricably tied to the direction the world is moving in.

But in the midst of change, with all the change you will hear about, there is one enduring, essential principle that will not change; and that is our commitment to the peace and security of the state of Israel. (Applause.) That is not negotiable. That is not a matter of change. That is something to be reinforced and made clear. (Applause.) It seems almost unnecessary to state it, but I want the word to go forth in here that no one should mistake it.

That commitment began when the United States of America emerged from World War II as the preeminent economic, political, and military power in the world, and one of our great Presidents, Harry Truman, reached out to a tiny, struggling state, emerging from the ashes of the Holocaust, and recognized the state of Israel. It’s a commitment that spans generations, and administrations of both political parties. And our job -- obviously you know it's yours -- just so you know, we know it's our job to ensure that that endures.

The bond between Israel and the United States was forged by a shared interest in peace and security; by shared values and to respect all faiths and for all faiths and for all people; by deep ties evidenced here today among our citizens, both Christian and Jew; and a common, unyielding commitment to democracy.

Indeed, we've both experienced recent elections and the peaceful transition of power. I want to congratulate my friend, Prime Minister Netanyahu -- and as they say in the Senate, he is my friend -- for his victory. Bibi and I have been friends for a long, long time -- too long to mention. And you know the old cliché -- imitation is the sincerest form of flattery. Well, I looked at Likud’s website, campaign website -- and on behalf of the Obama-Biden administration, I must say I am flattered. (Laughter.) Take a look at the website. It looked like we were running co-joint campaigns here. (Laughter.) And we didn’t charge Bibi a thing for it. (Laughter.) All kidding aside, a lot of you in the audience, and a lot of board members here, have been my friends for a long, long time

My commitment, though, to Israel did not begin with the friendships that I share on this stage. As the friends on this stage know, and some of you have heard me say, my commitment began at my father’s dinner table. My father was what you'd refer to as a righteous Christian. My father -- we had dinner at my father and mother's home as an occasion to sit down and have conversation and, incidentally, eat, rather than eat and, incidentally, have conversation. And over the years, my commitment was nurtured by many of the people in this room, starting with Larry and many others that are here.

In 1973, as a 29-year-old or just 30 -- just turned 30 years old, elected United States senator from the state of Delaware -- I made my first overseas trip to Israel. It was on the eve at the time unknown of the Yom Kippur War. I had just come from Cairo, and visited the Suez Canal. And I then went to visit the Prime Minister, Golda Meir, which was one of the great honors. I was asked not long ago, what are the two most meaningful meetings I ever had as a senator. And they were with the freed later president of South Africa, and Golda Meir. (Applause.) They both embodied everything I had been taught -- different races, different religions, different regions -- the same tenacity and the same open heart.

I sat across the desk from the Prime Minister. And she, as many of you know, is a chain smoker. She continually smoked. And she had a set of maps behind her, the old maps that were on rollers. There was a whole big slew of them, like eight maps in one set. And she was describing to me the Six-Day War and reading letters from the front, from young Israelis, most of whom had died defending their country. It was very moving. She kept flipping the maps up and down and pointing to different battles. I'm sure many of you had the experience. I'm sure you had the experience, Larry.

And there was a young man sitting next to me who didn't say a lot. His name was Rabin. And we had a conversation that lasted -- I won't put a time on it, but I'm quite confident it was over an hour. It was a long time. It was a great moment for a young man like me. It was meaningful. I learned a lot. But it also gave me a sense of the degree of -- how do I say it -- the pain, the history, the hope, the pragmatism, the grit of an entire nation. And almost it seemed in mid-sentence, she looked at me -- and my good friend, Michael Adler, heard me say this before, it was -- kind of startled me -- she said, Senator, would you like a photo? It was, like, by the way, do you want to go to the ball game?

And I said, well, of course, Madam Prime Minister. And the office in those days that she had, there were double doors that opened up onto a hallway. And we walked out, and there were photographers arrayed. And we stood next to one another, looking straight at the camera, at the photographers and the cameras. But she was talking to me without looking at me. She said the following. She said, Senator -- looking straight ahead, but talking -- she said, Senator, you seem worried. You look like you're worried. And I turned to her, and I said, well, Madam Prime Minister, I am. The picture you just painted -- in those days 60 million Arabs, 2 million Jews, et cetera.

And she put her hand out -- still looking at the camera -- on my arm. She said, Senator, don't worry. We Jews have a secret weapon in our struggle here. We have no place else to go. (Applause.)

And, for me, I thought at the time -- some of you know, she was so engaging -- I thought at the time, I'm probably the only person in the world she ever said that to. (Laughter.) And it was for me, at that moment, her comments crystallized for me everything I'd learned at my father's table, and everything about the basic responsibility of the United States to be a partner in ensuring that there will always, always be a place for Jews of the world to go -- (applause) -- and that place always must be Israel. (Applause.) It's real. It's serious. It's compelling. It's the only certainty, the only certainty. (Applause.)

Ladies and gentlemen, I'm here today to tell you something you already know, and I assure you this -- President Barack Obama shares that same commitment. (Applause.) His support is rooted in his personal connection to the Zionist idea to which he spoke about last year at this conference. He said last year that when he was a child, and I quote, "I was drawn to the belief that you could sustain a spiritual, emotional and cultural identity, and I deeply understood the Zionist idea that there is always a homeland at the center of our story."

Ladies and gentlemen, Barack Obama's commitment was reinforced -- not that it need to have been -- by his two relatively recent trips to Israel, when he met with Israeli leaders from across the spectrum -- and you all know it's a very wide spectrum in Israel; by the powerful, searing experience that he had visiting maybe in a sense the holiest of all places, commemorating the Holocaust; by seeing, first-hand, Israel's unique security dilemmas from a helicopter with top generals -- the sort of experience I had in '73 when I stood on the Golan Heights and realized if you had a really good arm you could literally throw a grenade down in the territory that could do damage to Israelis.

He also had it reinforced by traveling to the northern border, and met with families whose homes had been destroyed by rockets fired by Hezbollah and Hamas into their villages. But the President and I both know that ultimately we'll be judged not by our commitment and our verbal assurances to you or to anyone else or to the state of Israel, but by the results of the commitment we have made. (Applause.)

We believe that the results we seek, including a secure Israel at peace, can be best achieved by taking a new direction in our foreign policy; by, first and foremost, reestablish America's preeminent leadership in the world. (Applause.) The nation who asserts it leads, but has no one following, is not leading. We must reassert the confidence that we once had, and the confidence the world once had in us to lead the world.

When America has confidence -- the confidence of our allies and our friends, and the broad support we need in the world -- not only is America stronger but Israel will be stronger, because America is able to be a more efficient partner and effective partner, and our adversaries and Israel's adversaries know that as well.

In the Middle East, we stand for the premise that the status quo of the last decade has not served the interests of the United States or Israel very well. It has not enhanced the peace and security of the region, no matter how good the intention. I went to a Catholic grade school. When you got in trouble, the nuns would make you -- I'd say, but, sister -- and they'd make you write on the board a hundred times after school: The road to hell is paved with good intentions. All the good intentions of the last decade have not resulted in a more secure, more stable Middle East; a more secure, more stable Israel; a more secure, more stable United States.

So we are working to change that by responsibly ending the war in Iraq, by refocusing our efforts on Afghanistan and Pakistan to defeat al Qaeda, by engaging all countries in the region, including those with whom we have overwhelming disagreements, in order to advance our national security interests.

We are intensely focused on avoiding the grave danger, as Larry spoke about and others have, as well, including my good friend, John, of a nuclear armed Iran. (Applause.) A nuclear-armed Iran risks an arms race in the region that would make every country less secure; presents an existential threat. What we have tried with Iran in recent years has obviously not worked. What will work remains to be seen.

Since 2000, Iran has installed thousands of centrifuges and produced over a thousand kilograms of low-enriched uranium; not capable of use in a nuclear weapon -- low-enriched -- but nonetheless, they have produced that. Instead of arresting the danger; in the last six years, the danger has grown. It has not been arrested. We're determined to change that. That's why we will pursue direct, principled diplomacy with Iran with the overriding goal of preventing them from acquiring nuclear weapons.

The United States will approach Iran initially in the spirit of mutual respect. We want Iran to take its rightful place in the community of nations, politically and economically. That's a path that the Islamic Republic can take if it so chooses. Or that government can choose a different future: one of international pressure, isolation; and one which nothing is taken off the table.

If our efforts to address this problem through engagement are not successful, we have greater international support to consider other options. And ladies and gentlemen, don't kid yourselves -- international support matters, as we've learned over the last eight years. (Applause.) We must sometimes act alone, but it's always stronger when we act in unison.

Given the situation we inherited, we know we don't have unlimited time to make this assessment. Iran also has played a dangerous role in the region supporting terrorist organizations like Hamas and Hezbollah and undermining many of our friends and those who claim to be our friends. Indeed, these proxies are the tools in my view, our view, that Iran uses to exploit conflicts like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict -- use it to their advantage.

In this way the continuation of Israeli-Palestinian and Israeli-Arab -- Arab-Israeli conflicts, strengthen Iran's strategic position. They give Iran a playing field upon which to extend its influence, sponsor extremist elements, inflame public opinion -- all which are counterintuitive. It's counterintuitive if you think about it, that Iran's Shia influence in a Sunni Arab world would be able to be extended.

There are many reasons to pursue an end to these conflicts. It gives Israelis peace and security they deserve; to help the Palestinians fulfill their aspirations of an independent and better life; to ease tension in the regions -- in this region.

Today, one of the most pressing reasons may be to deprive Iran of the ability to extend its destabilizing influence. Again, it's counterintuitive if you think about its ability to extend its influence in the region.

That's why from day one of this administration we began to make a strong, sustained effort on behalf of peace. The President decided that we must be engaged; we must take risk on behalf of peace for Israel. The President appointed one of our most tenacious diplomats to lead that effort, George Mitchell, and the President is strongly and personally committed to achieving what all have basically said is needed -- a two-state solution, with a secure Jewish state of Israel living side by side in peace and security with a viable and independent Palestinian state. (Applause.)

He and I both believe that it's absolutely necessary to ensure Israel's survival as a Jewish democratic state that this occur. (Applause.) That is also the solution that Israel and the Palestinians committed to in the road map and reaffirmed in Annapolis. It can be achieved. It must be achieved.

There's an old expression, which Larry will get a kick out of, and it relates to Christianity. G.K. Chesterton once said, "It's not that Christianity has been tried and found wanting; it's been found difficult and left untried." Well, the truth of the matter is, the fact that peace has not occurred does not mean peace cannot occur.

Same time, we'll pursue a secure and lasting and comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace. The Israelis and its Arab neighbors have sufficient common interest to bring this goal within reach. Progress towards peace has only been possible when people -- when people were willing to think differently; to take risks; to make a principled compromise. That's why we have to pursue every opportunity for progress while standing up for one core principle: First, Israel's security is non-negotiable. (Applause.) Period. Period. Our commitment is unshakeable. We will continue to provide Israel with the assistance that it needs. We will continue to defend Israel's right to defend itself and make its own judgments about what it needs to do to defend itself. (Applause.)

Secondly, all of us have obligations to meet, including commitments Israel and the Palestinians made in the road map. The Palestinian Authority must combat terror and incitement against Israel. The United States and its partners have provided funding and training for a reformed Palestinian security force, which has impressed everyone, including the Israeli security officers with its recent demonstrations of professionalism and effectiveness. We are right now seeking funds from Congress to expand this program. But Israel has to work towards a two-state solution. You're not going to like my saying this, but not build more settlements, dismantle existing outposts, and allow the Palestinians freedom of movement based on their first actions -- (applause) -- its access to economic opportunity and increased security responsibility. This is a "show me" deal -- not based on faith -- show me. Prime Minister Netanyahu has important ideas about how to achieve some of these objectives and we look forward to working with him to help develop them when he comes to visit.

The Quartet and the Arab states also have clear responsibilities. One of the most important is to support the Palestinian Authority with the tools and funds it needs to govern on the West Bank, develop and reform its institutions, help the people of Gaza work toward returning to Gaza. We are doing our part with major assistance packages currently before the Congress. We expect others to do theirs.

The Arab states should act now, not later, to build upon -- (applause) -- to build upon the Arab Peace Initiative -- a constructive combination that contains the promise of a cooperative and comprehensive peace, but now is the time. Now is the time for Arab states to make meaningful gestures to show the Israeli leadership and the people that the promise of ending Israel's isolation in the region is real and genuine. They must take action now -- show me. (Applause.)

Ladies and gentlemen, finally, the world must continue to make clear to Hamas that the legitimacy it seeks will only come when it renounces violence, recognizes Israel, and abides by past agreements -- period. (Applause.) These are not -- some say, when I repeat that and the President says it, that these are unreasonable. These are not unreasonable demands -- they're basic standards of international conduct.

We're working hard to provide assistance to Palestinians in Gaza that does not benefit Hamas, and to coordinate with our allies to end the smuggling of weapons in the Gaza, which continue. And we demand -- we demand the immediate and unconditional release -- unconditional release of Gilad Shalit -- (applause) -- after nearly three years -- three years of captivity. It is not acceptable. (Applause.) And we remain committed -- we remain committed to seeing him returned safely to his family.

We will also explore opportunities, as the Israelis are, for progress between Israel and Syria. Peace between Israel and Syria could reshape the region. We will ensure that it does not come if it comes at the expense of Israel's security or Lebanon's sovereignty and independence.

The search for a secure and just and lasting peace in the Middle East has frustrated many and all who have come before us. We understand the immensity of the challenge. We recognize the hard choices that must be made. But we also know this: The path we have been on in recent yeas will not result in security and prosperity for Israel or the Palestinians, nor will it produce the stability and progress that's needed in the region to ultimately guarantee Israel's security.

Look, we know there are different views in this room. We know there are different views in this town about how to move forward. Nowhere are these issues debated more openly and vividly than in the streets of Israel and in the Knesset, which is an overwhelming tribute to its democracy. But I believe the critical question is not where we stand today, but how we see tomorrow, and what we're prepared to do to get there. This administration sees and seeks a future of lasting peace and security in which Israeli children can leave behind the tyranny of rockets and terror; when Israeli mothers, as they send their children off to school, do not have to worry about whether or not they will come home; or Palestinian children have full opportunities to live out their dreams, and the entire Middle East does not have to live under the dread of a nuclear cloud.

Delaying the pursuit of these goals is not an option. It's easier, but it is not an option. And the longer we wait, the harder it will be. Now is the time to work together for the promise of a better day, and for the success and strength and security of our most-treasured ally, Israel.

Thank you very much. God bless you all, and may God protect our troops. (Applause.)

KERRY'S PREPARED REMARKS

When this Conference met a year ago, we were in the heat of a Presidential primary, and the Dow was hovering around 13,000. So it’s an understatement to say, things change—and this year’s AIPAC conference arrives at a moment of enormous change. Israel has just sworn in a new Prime Minister and America has a President barely past his first hundred days. So leaders may change. Times may change. But one thing we know: America’s support for Israel’s dream and Israel’s security—that will never change!

This is the promise made by every President from Harry Truman to Barack Obama: America and Israel are now—and always will be—partners in a special relationship. Israel is more than just an ally and a fellow democracy. We share the bonds of faith, freedom, and friendship. We share an interest in a stable, secure, and peaceful Middle East. And we share in the belief that we are strongest when we stand behind our common values—and when we stand together.

Just like America, Israel has been a place of refuge for the tired and the poor. Huddled masses of Holocaust survivors traveling by moonlight in makeshift boats, victims of Soviet oppression yearning to breathe free, the dramatic airlifts of Ethiopia’s Beta Israel, and even a few Jews from Boston, Massachusetts—all have come to Israel’s shores, and all have learned for themselves what the writer Amos Oz meant when he called Israel "a dream come true."

It has been my privilege these last twenty-five years to visit Israel more times than I can count. I have walked through the quiet neighborhoods and sacred spaces of Jerusalem and the high-tech bustle of downtown Tel Aviv. So I can tell you: from the history buried in every hill of the Galilee to brand new solar panels popping up across the Negev, Israel is a place that never fails to amaze.

We admire Israel for a democracy as spirited as anywhere in the world. We admire Israel for the heroism of giants like Yitzhak Rabin who as a young man risked his life in war, then as an older man, gave his life for peace. And we admire Israel for the closeness of a community where one family’s anguish over a single kidnapped soldier is shared by an entire nation. I met with Gilad Shalit’s father Noam last week. As a parent I share his anguish, but I am confident that the day will come when Gilad is returned to his family and to the land he loves.

Of course, Israel needs more than our admiration and sympathy—Israel needs our support. And I will do everything I can as Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to ensure that the $30 billion in security assistance that Congress pledged to Israel is delivered in full: America will continue our military aid, and Israel will keep its military strength.

But as we all know, AIPAC’s concerns don’t end with aid to Israel. The Jewish people gave us the phrase, tikkun olam— to heal the world. And today I want to thank AIPAC for your help in achieving an American foreign aid budget that allows us to tackle big challenges such as global hunger, global climate change, and global disease. As you may know, some in Congress recently tried to cut $4 billion from the foreign aid budget. And given the tough economic environment, we were facing a hard fight to get those funds restored. Hours before the vote, AIPAC weighed in and started working the phones. At the same time, the rock star Bono was making the rounds. Ladies and gentlemen, with a one-two punch like that on our side, our opponents didn’t stand a chance! Today, hungry people will eat and sick people will get life-saving medicines in part because AIPAC knew its mission couldn’t end with Israel—so, thank you, AIPAC.

Because tikkun olam is an American value, too, we have responsibilities of our own. We need to reach out to the world and stand strong against the cruel sting of bigotry, anywhere and everywhere it rears its ugly head. Jewish history is full of painful reminders that words of hatred, left unchallenged, often become acts of hatred. Recently, a conference against racism became a stage for Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to slander the world’s only Jewish state—and the President was right to boycott the Durbin II racism conference in Geneva. I’ll tell you: while listening to people burst into applause was a vivid reminder that our fight is far from over, I was encouraged to see dozens of delegates vote with their feet and storm out in protest.

Too many outside this room don’t realize the reality of violent anti-Semitism even in a place like Venezuela, where a synagogue was attacked at gunpoint and defaced with anti-Semitic slurs. In an interconnected world, anti-Semitism that goes unanswered anywhere is a threat to all of us.

I have felt this sense of vulnerability in Israel, too. I recently took a short helicopter ride with Tzipi Livni from Jerusalem to the southern Israeli town of Sderot. Looking down on the farms and forests, it struck me that David Ben-Gurion’s dream of making the desert bloom has come true. But from the air it’s also unmistakable how small Israel is, and how close its people live to their adversaries.

You see it too in the rocket casings in Sderot, left by the thousands of rockets fired from Gaza these last eight years. When the sirens of Sderot start to sound, people have just fifteen seconds to find safety. I heard of children in the second grade who had spent literally every day of their lives never more than fifteen seconds from danger. Fifteen seconds, ladies and gentlemen. No child should live that way.

That same day I visited a town just across the border in Gaza, and I delivered the same message as in Sderot: if terrorists in Quincy, Massachusetts, were launching rockets into Boston aimed at innocent civilians, we’d have to put a stop to it, just as the Israelis were forced to respond. I said in Gaza, point blank: the rockets have got to stop! Not in a month, not in a year, but right now!

And as we know too well, the support for these militants comes from a number of places, but especially from Iran, the source of so many of the dangers Israel faces today.
Most troubling of all is the prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran. Every Israeli leader has made it clear me that they view a nuclear-armed Iran as an existential threat. And when a government pursuing nuclear capability asks its people to imagine a world without Israel, we must take that threat seriously. A nuclear-armed Iran would embolden Hamas and unleash Hezbollah. A nuclear-armed Iran could spark a nuclear arms race in the world’s most dangerous neighborhood. When we say that a nuclear-armed Iran is unacceptable, we mean it.

President Obama has said he wants his Administration to begin direct talks with Iran, and we need to give this strategy a chance. The reality is, the old Iran policy simply didn’t work. Red line after red line was crossed, until Iran manufactured enough low-enriched uranium to eventually develop a nuclear weapon if it chooses. And Iran learned there was no significant price to be paid for crossing those lines.

When we have engaged effectively with hostile nations in the past, we did so fortified by moral authority, committed allies, and the strongest military in the world. That’s exactly how we should engage Iran today—not to accept the unacceptable, but to make sure Iran never gets a nuclear bomb.

We all know—the President knows, the Vice President knows, and I know—that outreach alone is not a strategy: if diplomacy is to work, it must be backed by the prospect of tough, escalating, multilateral sanctions strong enough to actually change behavior. Greater Russian and Chinese cooperation must be a top priority, and demonstrating that we’ve made a legitimate attempt at across-the-board diplomacy is the best way to enlist them for tougher action down the road. And the bottom line is, the world needs to agree on an enforceable red line, then we need to enforce it.

One place to start turning up the pressure on Iran is in Syria. When the war broke out in Gaza, the Syrians were talking indirectly to Israel, and doing so over the objections of Iran. For all our justifiable grievances, it benefits America, it benefits Syria, and it benefits Israel if President Assad improves Syria’s behavior and looks west for new relationships.

Frankly, the rising threat of Iran has also presented unexpected new opportunities for peace. Arab leaders in Cairo, Amman and Riyadh are actually more worried about Iran today than they are about Israel. Whereas once the Arab world voted unanimously for the “three no’s” – no dialogue with Israel, no recognition of Israel and no peace with Israel – there are now three very different no’s which dominate many discussions in the region—and they are no’s that AIPAC can get behind: no Iranian meddling, no Iranian dominance, and above all, no Iranian nukes!
This is a fundamental shift, and our challenge is to translate the new dynamics into tangible progress that makes Israel stronger in the region, and moves us closer to peace.

One of the reasons peace talks at Camp David failed in 2000 was a lack of support from Arab states. Now, for the first time, through the Arab Peace Initiative, every Arab country has agreed to the basic formulation of land for peace, recognition of the state of Israel, and normalization of relations. Of course, Arabs cannot wait for Israel to make all the sacrifices before they begin actually improving relations—they should start doing so right now.

That’s why we need to expand this Initiative into a Regional Road Map that fleshes out the promise of peace between Israel and the entire Arab world. Israelis and Palestinians have the Quartet’s Roadmap; a Regional Roadmap would sign all of the key players onto a series of specific steps and commitments toward normalizing relations– and it would give Israel something it needs from its neighbors: real accountability.

The first step for Arab leaders is to tell Hamas the same thing I said in Gaza: The rockets must stop. Going forward, Arab leaders need to take reciprocal steps to demonstrate that they are sincere in their wish for peace and begin to legitimize Israel in the eyes of their people by treating Israel like a normal country – ending the boycott, letting El Al fly over their countries, and meeting Israeli leaders. And most of all, the poisonous rhetoric emanating from too many Arab TV stations and too many preachers’ pulpits has got to stop. Books in the hands of schoolchildren must tell history as it happened, and show maps with countries as they really exist! You cannot make peace out of one side of your mouth and preach hate out of the other.

Ultimately, it is the Israelis and the Palestinians themselves who must reach an agreement that they can live with. Here’s what I know: the people of Israel want peace, they deserve peace, and America is committed to help them achieve peace.

Nothing will do more to silence the skeptics and win over the silent majorities of peace-loving people everywhere; nothing will do more to ensure Israel’s long-term security – that Israel’s children have a thriving country ten, twenty, and fifty years from now– than two states, one Israeli, one Palestinian, living side by side in peace and security.

The big question is: how do we get there? I understand why Israelis and those who care about Israel have doubts about the peace process: We have seen too much process, and too little peace. Israel withdrew from Southern Lebanon, only to face Hezbollah missiles. Israel withdrew from Gaza, only to face Hamas rockets. The Israelis are not about to let the same thing happen in the West Bank – and nor should they. And now they look across at a divided Palestinian society and ask “who am I supposed to make peace with?”

The truth is, for years, we have all talked about the lack of a Palestinian partner for peace – one that can deliver for its people, win a battle for hearts and minds with the extremists, and take real steps to ensure Israel’s security. But none of us have done nearly enough to make this a reality. With Palestinian elections on the horizon, we must act now to strengthen those Palestinians willing to make tough sacrifices for peace. Hamas has already won one election—we cannot allow them to win another. That’s one reason why I believe that improving the daily life and freedom of movement for Palestinians in the West Bank will also help protect Israel.

We also need to find creative ways to deliver humanitarian aid and reconstruction assistance to the people of Gaza without empowering Hamas in the process. We can’t make the mistake in Gaza in 2009 we made in letting Hezbollah and Iran rebuild southern Lebanon in 2006. Half of Gaza is under eighteen years old, and if there is no light at the end of the tunnel for these children and few prospects for a normal life, then they will remain susceptible to Hamas’ ideology of hate.

Obviously, the Palestinians themselves must do enormous work to uphold their end of the bargain. Even as we work with the international community to provide more support, we need to ask more in return. It’s no secret that Fatah lost the 2006 election to Hamas in part because of a widely held perception that they were corrupt and inefficient. Much progress has been made since then, but Fatah still needs to earn back the respect of its own people—and they need to demonstrate that they are willing to crack down on terror in the West Bank.

Israel, too, must take hard steps forward on the path to peace. And nothing will do more to show Israel’s commitment to making peace than freezing new settlement activity. We will defend Israel’s security unflinchingly— we always have, and we always will. But the fact is, settlements make it more difficult for Israel to protect its citizens. New settlements, especially in sensitive areas like E-1, don’t just fragment a future Palestinian state – they also fragment what the Israeli Defense Forces must defend. They undercut President Abbas and strengthen Hamas by convincing everyday Palestinians that there is no reward for moderation. And they empower the enemies of peace throughout the region.

I know that lasting peace with the Palestinians will not come easily. But I also know that if we want the security for Israel that only peace can bring, then we must try now—because the window of opportunity for a two state solution is fast closing. And if the children I saw in Sderot, and those I saw in Gaza, can hope for themselves, if they can persevere for a better future, then we must all help them get there.

That is an obligation I felt long before I first went to Israel. Since then, I have stood on top of the Golan Heights, walked the border with Lebanon, and sat in a shelter in Kiryat Shemona where children had to hide from Katyusha rockets. I have passed by an Israeli street corner within hours of a lethal attack there, and visited the remains of a nightclub in Tel Aviv where people were enjoying their youth one minute and had it snatched away the next. And I have flown an Israeli jet in Israeli airspace and narrowly avoided a border-crossing into Egypt because the airspace was so narrow. All of these experiences have created an indelible impression of Israel’s journey and of the daily struggle of everyday Israelis to live safe and normal lives.

As I prepared to come here today, I found myself thinking about my first trip to Israel, twenty five years ago. I’d only been in the Senate for a few months when a small group of Jewish friends from Massachusetts convinced me to visit Israel. They were led by my friend Lenny Zakim, whose commitment to fighting discrimination lives on through the Leonard Zakim Bridge in Boston. Lenny wanted me to get the facts, he wanted me to understand Israel’s passion, and he wanted me to see and hear its remarkable story up close.

Lenny was doing the same kind of advocacy that so many of you will do later today—talking to Congressmen, exercising your rights and responsibilities as citizens, and making your voices heard.

I have so many memories of that first trip, but the strongest of all is standing on the mountaintop at Masada—in the very place where, thousands of years ago, the people of Israel gave their lives for the dream of a Jewish homeland.

We looked out, our small group, at that vast desert plain where young Israeli soldiers swear a new oath against the test of history, to defend Israel against new threats, new weapons, and new challenges.

We stood at the end of the cliff and altogether we shouted across the chasm - across the desert – “Am Yisrael Chai, Israel lives!” And across the silence we listened as voices came back - faintly we heard the echo of the souls of those who had perished – “Am Yisrael Chai!” “The State of Israel lives. The people of Israel live! Israel lives!”

The faces have changed, the era has changed, but the message today is the same: “Am Yisrael Chai!” “Israel lives!” Thank you.