Kerry's ex-manager spurs anti-Bush effort

WASHINGTON -- If there is a nerve center of what the Republican Party calls the "shadow campaign" to drive President Bush from office, it is a sparsely furnished corner office on the seventh floor of an unremarkable office building a few blocks from the White House.

Each morning, a group of mostly twentysomethings gathers around a conference table. Notepads in hand, they engage in a freewheeling discussion about national news stories in the morning papers and issues of importance in 17 critical states around the country. They devise a rapid-response plan to political events scheduled for that day and assemble a list of anti-Bush or pro-Democrat stories to push to hundreds of print and broadcast media outlets.

Officially, they toil for no candidate. In reality, they are working furiously to replace Bush with John F. Kerry and elect other Democrats in the process.

Leading the group is Jim Jordan. A year ago, the 43-year-old North Carolina native was managing a foundering Kerry presidential campaign. Last November, Kerry sacked him. Jordan was quickly recruited by the leaders of a cluster of controversial -- Republicans contend illegal -- "527s," so named for the section of the tax code under which a proliferating number of politically active nonprofit organizations operate in the McCain-Feingold era of campaign finance reform.

Jordan and his staff, known as the Thunder Road Group, consult with three of the major 527s: America Coming Together, The Media Fund, and America Votes.

Through June 30, the three had spent about $55 million on their various missions. America Coming Together, with about 300 employees and 1,400 paid canvassers, is building an Election Day organization in 17 states and intends to spend $110 million by Election Day. The Media Fund thus far has spent $27 million on television ads, mostly attacking Bush in those key states. America Votes is an umbrella group of 33 liberal, labor, and issues organizations that is mobilizing voters for the fall.

They are bankrolled mostly by six- and seven-figure donations from wealthy activists eager to oust Bush. The Bush campaign and Republican National Committee tried to have them declared illegal, as violating the intent of McCain-Feingold in 2002 to squeeze unlimited contributions -- known as soft money -- from federal electioneering. The Federal Election Commission has declined to act on the complaint.

Jordan's consulting firm has been paid about $1.7 million to date. That covers office overhead, computers, a staff of 22 researchers and communications specialists, plus pollsters and lawyers. It is an operation unlike any other in politics, devising strategy, message, and public relations services for the 527s.

Ironically, the man whom Kerry fired played a vital role in buoying the Kerry candidacy during the months after he had locked up the party nomination but was strapped for cash to answer an onslaught of Bush attack ads. The 527s advertised heavily in the spring -- and are set to do so again in August, when Kerry will be trying to husband his public campaign dollars as he waits for Bush to take federal money in early September.

"It's an interesting twist of fate, but it doesn't seem to me to be ironic or awkward," Jordan said. "This is what I do for a living. I'd do it for any Democratic nominee." He notes that when he accepted the job in December, "the heavy betting was on Howard Dean" to win the Democratic nomination.

Other Democratic groups, notably the AFL-CIO and MoveOn.org, have also helped prop up Kerry, prompting Republicans to argue that they were illegally coordinating their activities with the Kerry campaign.

By law, the 527s must act independently of political campaigns and parties.

As part of what Republicans labeled "the soft money conspiracy," the GOP charged a "level of coordination among and between the soft-money shadow groups and the Kerry campaign in their effort to defeat President Bush." The complaint cited "near perfect uniformity in [television advertising] markets that the three groups decided to buy -- and not buy."

Jordan scoffs at the charge. "The Bush-Cheney complaint is a political document, not remotely credible [for] a set of allegations," he retorted. "It grossly and intentionally misstates the law and offers absolutely no evidence of coordination of any kind, because, of course, it doesn't happen."

Under the law, the 527s may collaborate with each other, deciding in which markets to advertise. Indeed, the Media Fund and MoveOn use the same firm, Media Strategies and Research, to place their ads and also monitor ad buys by the Kerry and Bush campaigns and, more recently, a Republican 527, Progress for America.

What is not available from advertising purchase records is often obtainable from many other sources in Washington, a city where political strategies are usually open secrets.

Larry Noble, executive director of the nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics, which has tried to challenge the practices of America Coming Together and other 527s at the Federal Election Commission, acknowledged as much.

"On some level, they don't need to talk to each other," he said. "Everybody announces what they're doing in the newspapers."

Among 527s, the action tilts heavily to the Democratic side. In its most recent update, Noble's watchdog group reports that "Democratic/liberal" 527 groups and labor unions had raised $179 million, compared to $12.7 million by 527s identified as "Republican/conservative."

Jordan's operation on behalf of the 527s is highly sophisticated, an assemblage of veterans of failed Democratic campaigns and recent college graduates. Among his key assistants are Sarah Leonard, who was the Iowa press secretary for the Dean campaign, Monica Lesmerises, who was research director for the campaign of Representative Richard A.Gephardt, and Mo Elleithee, New Hampshire communications director for the campaign of retired General Wesley K. Clark.

At the morning staff meeting, Jordan presides in casual preppy attire -- dress shirt with button-down collar, blue jeans, penny loafers, no socks.

He reviews the morning's press coverage and asks the staff for ideas.

"The local jobs story is working. We got a couple of hits. Let's churn it out again," Jordan instructs, referring to new Department of Labor statistics that indicate that some states have lost jobs in June. One major newspaper has misinterpreted the data in Pennsylvania, Lesmerises said. They should pitch that again to the local press.

There is another report that Republicans are helping the Independent presidential candidate, Ralph Nader, qualify for the ballot in some states, causing Jordan to ask whether they can find any outspoken liberals saying "Nader's in bed with the Republicans."

Moving on, Jordan cites an Associated Press story. "Bush may cave on drug reimportation," he said, referring to the president reconsidering his opposition to allowing cheaper prescription drugs from Canada. "He's doing the right thing, but let's kick the crap out of him for the reasons he's doing it. . . . Let's get all his past quotes about how risky it would be, put it all in one document. . . . Let's get ahead of the politics on this."

One of Jordan's young staffers reports that Bush, in an Iowa speech, has contradicted an earlier description of himself as a war president and now wants to be a "peace president."

"That doesn't pass the laugh test," the staffer says. Let's put something out on that, Jordan nods.

And on it goes, through a checklist of stories and issues. "Push back" on Republican spin here; highlight stories that are critical of the Bush administration there. Lesmerises, whom Jordan later describes as a "walking encyclopedia," suggests ideas for research. They agree they should assemble background information on all of the Bush surrogates who will be appearing in Boston this week.

Leaders of the 527s for which Jordan works will be in Boston this week, holding briefings today with reporters during the convention. Jordan will not be in Boston. "Too awkward and emotional," he said.

He is reluctant to rehash the events that led to his firing, which ended a five-year working relationship with Kerry.

They have not spoken, Jordan said, since the night the candidate cut Jordan loose at a meeting in his Louisburg Square mansion in Boston. "I still think I'm his friend," Jordan said. "I don't think there's any bitterness or estrangement. . . . I don't want this to come out wrong, but I'm amazingly proud of him."