In Russia's powerful duo, Putin remains the lead actor

MOSCOW - The question has all but disappeared from Russian discourse after months of debate: Who is in charge, Prime Minister Vladimir V. Putin or President Dmitry Medvedev?

It's been nearly a year since Putin, faced with the end of his presidency, endorsed his long-loyal protégé to succeed him. The speculation that once rattled around the capital after Putin restyled himself as prime minister - whether the two men would clash; whether Medvedev would try to eclipse his onetime mentor - has fallen away.

These days, there is a broad perception that Putin remains the dominant politician. Analysts variously describe Medvedev as a spokesman, a yes-man or, more generously, a just-slightly junior partner in Russia's vertical rule.

This is all gleaned from political body language, of course. Few can say with any certainty who gives the orders behind closed doors - and many Russians argue that it's an irrelevant question. In public, the two leaders operate in almost flawless tandem, as two complementary arms of the power structure built by Putin.

The past few weeks, as Medvedev pushed parliament to prolong the presidential term and doled out steely threats to counter American plans for missile defense, he appeared even more Putinesque than Putin himself - more hostile toward America, more enthusiastic about alliances with anti-American governments in Venezuela and Cuba, and less concerned with the niceties of constitutional preservation.

"Medvedev has made himself even more harsh," said Lilia Shevtsova, an analyst with the Carnegie Moscow Center. "He's following the logic of Russian power. He has to look macho and demonstrate his muscle, especially having Putin in the background, continuing to call the shots."

Medvedev already has signaled that he's ready to play tough with Washington, threatening to deploy short-range missiles in Kaliningrad in response to US deployment of a missile-defense shield in Eastern Europe.

Yesterday, Medvedev said he hopes President-elect Barack Obama will help restore mutual trust soured by disputes over missile defense and the war in Georgia. In a speech to the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington, he repeated his warning about a military response to the US missile shield plan but signaled that Russia was willing to talk about a compromise.

It was Medvedev who, during his recent state of the nation speech, unveiled plans to change the constitution.

Explaining that the parliament and Kremlin need "enough time" to "maintain a high level of authority" and carry out complicated development plans, he proposed lengthening the presidential term to six years from four years and drawing out service in the ruling party-dominated parliament to five years from four. Parliament gave preliminary approval to the new term limits last week.

Medvedev has also suggested granting more power to parliament to oversee the government.

These are not fresh ideas. The proposed changes are a resurrection of a plan that was championed in the twilight of Putin's presidency by some of his most ardent supporters, who pushed him to amend the constitution to stay in the Kremlin longer.

At the time, Putin demurred. The Russian Constitution was sacrosanct, he insisted, and should not be altered. Now it is Medvedev who is pushing the changes - and Putin who's staying in the background, while telling reporters he supports the amendments.

Some in Moscow speculate that the two men are laying the groundwork for Putin's extended return to the Kremlin; Medvedev has made it plain that the lengthier term would not apply to his own rule.

Others maintain that it doesn't matter which of the two men occupy the presidency.

"I don't think the investigation into who's the leader in this duet is relevant," said Garry Kasparov, former chess champion and leading opposition figure. "The core message is both for a Russian audience and for the West: They're saying, 'We are staying. Forget about it; we'll decide between us who's in charge.' "