Background operator may find Egypt's political limelight
Intelligence chief mentioned as possible president
CAIRO - He appears briefly on TV, not saying much, if anything at all, and then fades into the secrecy and quiet diplomacy that men like him prefer. One day he's in Jerusalem, the next in Gaza, then back to Egypt to whisper in the ear of his boss, President Hosni Mubarak.
Omar Suleiman, the head of Egypt's foreign intelligence service, has been at Mubarak's side through triumph and crisis, including a 1995 ambush on the president's motorcade that killed two security officers. It is this loyalty - to an unpopular president whose 26 years in power have been marked by emergency law - that may lift Suleiman even higher: He is often mentioned as a possible successor to the 80-year-old Mubarak.
Although he prefers tailored suits and smart ties, Suleiman has the military background that has defined Egyptian leaders since Gamal Nasser seized power in a 1952 coup. The gifted military strategist has years of diplomatic relations with the United States, Israel and the Arab world, and he's regarded as pragmatist likely to carry on Egypt's privatization and economic reform.
This balance is important to the West, especially Washington, which gives Egypt about $2 billion in military and economic aid.
"Suleiman is a bridge between Egypt's military and security services," said Robert Springborg, an expert on Egypt and director of the London Middle East Institute. "He's in a very critical position. He has his hands on the control of Egyptian politics without having his hands dirty. No one else in the country has that role, and he's also the principal foreign policy guy ... a diplomat's diplomat."
Those predicting Suleiman may be the next president, however, quickly note one of his biggest obstacles: Mubarak's son, Gamal, a 44-year-old entrepreneur, is also being groomed for the spot.
But Gamal Mubarak has image issues. He has no military credentials, lacks foreign policy experience and he sits in the leadership of ruling National Democratic Party (NDP), largely viewed as driven by special interests and unable to stem inflation to improve the lives of the 45 percent of Egyptians who live on less than $2 a day. NDP policies have led to Egypt's growing economy and rising foreign investment, but many here bristle at the prospect of a Mubarak dynasty taken over by his untested son.
It is difficult to read the bends and curls of Egyptian politics; the NDP is insular, and other voices, including the main opposition Muslim Brotherhood, have little influence. Even though Egypt is a democracy, the army also plays a power-broker role. It could negotiate a deal with the NDP on a presidential candidate or back Suleiman or one of its own generals as an independent in the 2011 elections.
"I believe the military has already decided on who will be the next president," said Diaa Rashwan, a political analyst with Al Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies. He added that Suleiman "is one of the most likely candidates" because of his foreign policy resume and his ability to play down his military credentials and appear, in both dress and manner, more civilian.
"That will give the impression that the army is not directly ruling the country," Rashwan said.
Suleiman's profile has been rising. He was the chief negotiator in talks that led to the June truce between Israel and militant group Hamas in Gaza. That success lifted Egypt's credibility as a strategic actor in the region, an image weakened over the last decade by the country's economic and political problems along with the growing influence of Saudi Arabia. The agreement also protected Cairo from a repeat of the security crisis it faced in January when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians broke through the Gaza border and entered Egypt.
The possibility of a Suleiman candidacy slipped into the gossip and maneuverings of Egypt's political class several years ago. But some analysts suggest that the 73-year-old former infantryman turned spymaster may be considered too old, and histies to Mubarak and Washington a detriment at a time many Egyptians are angered at and dismissive of both.
